24.7.06

Un Specialiste du Middle East parle pour Vous

Un ami à Beyrouth m'envoit par e-mail, un article de Fouad Ajami (le specialiste du mideul ist) que j'ai pris le temps de lire, non sans m'amuser à repondre au multiples pitreries qui font la logique du texte, de quoi m'aider à pouvoir le finir et rester objectif (oui! Je lis autre chose que Charles Ayyoub).

Le texte à l'origine est de Fouad Ajami, ecrit pour le Opinion Journal du Wall Street Journal et se trouve à l'adresse
suivante.


Hostage to Hezbollah

Lesson for Nasrallah: "The violence done to Lebanon shall overwhelm you."
BY FOUAD AJAMI
Friday, July 21, 2006 12:01 a.m. EDT

Pity Lebanon: In a world of states, it has not had a state of its own. A garden without fences, was the way Beirut, its capital city, was once described. Orientalism! that's Edward Said speaking. Who gives a fuck? thats me speaking. A garden that produced a bloody civil war Ya Ajami! why do you stick to false miracles???
A cleric by the name of Hassan Nasrallah i remember with a smile Fouad Ajami's Book in my father's library, it talked of a certain cleric he used to like, Musa el Sadr that is, at the helm of the Hezbollah movement, handed Lebanon a calamity right as the summer tourist season had begun. what do i think about the bitch tourism in lebanon? Beirut had dug its way out of the rubble of a long war It did? really? : Nasrallah plunged it into a new season of loss and ruin Aaaaah straight to the point Ajami!! . He presented the country with a fait accompli: the "gift" of two Israeli soldiers kidnapped across an international frontier. Nasrallah never let the Lebanese government in on his venture. He was giddy with triumphalism and defiance when this crisis began. And men and women cooped up in the destitution of the Shiite districts of Beirut were sent out into the streets to celebrate Hezbollah's latest deed.
It did not seem to matter to Nasrallah that the ground that would burn in Lebanon would in the main be Shiite land in the south. Nor was it of great concern to he who lives on the subsidies of the Iranian theocrats that the ordinary Lebanese would pay for his adventure. Nor his dead son, Nor his destroyed home. The cruel and cynical hope was that Nasrallah's rivals would be bullied into submission and false solidarity, and that the man himself would emerge as the master of the game of Lebanon's politics. Now thats called stupid speculation, we all know that the 14th of february wouldnt change their opinion, but well get back to the reasons of all this.


The hotels are full in Damascus," read a dispatch in Beirut Racism!! first deployed on TV by LF minister Joe Sarkis " the tourists are all in damascus ! " he nearly cried. Well, i'm happy for the syrians so, guess what i think of this argument? , as though to underline the swindle of this crisis, its bitter harvest for the Lebanese. History repeats here, endlessly it seems. There was something to Nasrallah's conduct that recalled the performance of Gamal Abdel Nasser in the Six Day War of 1967. That leader, it should be recalled, closed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping, asked for the evacuation of U.N. forces from the Sinai Peninsula-- clear acts of war--but never expected the onset of war. He had only wanted the gains of war. May i add that the Sinai was conquered in six days and Maroun el Ras in eight, so does this metaphore really work? The truth is that Ajami uses a dumb metaphore to please his american fellows in the scholar field, he gives them to hear an arab making Ridicule of Arab Nationalism and that earns him respect for his "revisionism", AND well talk of THE REASONS of this war later imcomparable to the LEGITIMATE ones of Nasser, although LEGITIMATE too.

Nasrallah's brazen deed was, in the man's calculus, an invitation to an exchange of prisoners. Now, the man who triggered this crisis stands exposed as an Iranian proxy, doing the bidding of Tehran and Damascus. He had confidently asserted that "sources" in Israel had confided to Hezbollah that Israel's government would not strike into Lebanon because Hezbollah held northern Israel hostage to its rockets, and that the demand within Israel for an exchange of prisoners would force Ehud Olmert's hand. The time of the "warrior class" in Israel had passed, Nasrallah believed, and this new Israeli government, without decorated soldiers and former generals, was likely to capitulate. Now this knowingness has been exposed for the delusion it was. later.

There was steel in Israel and determination to be done with Hezbollah's presence on the border. States can't--and don't--share borders with militias. That abnormality on the Lebanese-Israeli border is sure not to survive this crisis. One way or other, the Lebanese army will have to take up its duty on the Lebanon-Israel border. By the time the dust settles, this terrible summer storm will have done what the Lebanese government had been unable to do on its own. Clear as the water! and that is the motive of the AMERICAN's green light for Israel, not the israeli's reason though.

In his cocoon i like this racism, it reminds me how much the old shiia bourgeoisie is shitty and is now helpless, Nasrallah did not accurately judge the temper of his own country to begin with. No less a figure than the hereditary leader of the Druze community, Walid Jumblatt, was quick to break with Hezbollah, and to read this crisis as it really is. "We had been trying for months," he said, "to spring our country out of the Syrian-Iranian trap and throw it in the Saudi one, yes, neutrality was'nt yours Walid Beyk, it was Aoun's and Only Aoun's project, and he made the best effort to assimilate Hezbollah into it by lowering his standards to lebanese internationnally recognized ones, and he nearly succeeded but that did'nt please Walid Beyk then, for the saudis GOT TO HAVE IT ALL and here we are forcibly pushed into that trap again." In this two-front war--Hamas's in the Palestinian territories and Hezbollah's in Lebanon--Mr. Jumblatt saw the fine hand of the Syrian regime attempting to retrieve its dominion in Lebanon, and to forestall the international investigations of its reign of terror in that country.

In the same vein, a broad coalition of anti-Syrian Lebanese political parties and associations that had come together in the aftermath of the assassination last year of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, called into question the very rationale of this operation, and its timing: "Is it Lebanon's fate to endure the killing of its citizens and the destruction of its economy and its tourist season in order to serve the interests of empty nationalist slogans?" Yes it is his fate, cos the enemy is Israel and his goverment is Saudi-sponsored.

In retrospect, Ehud Barak's withdrawal from Israel's "security zone" in southern Lebanon in the summer of 2000 had robbed Hezbollah of its raison d'�tre. It was said that the "resistance movement" would need a "soft landing" and a transition to a normal political world. But the imperative of disarming Hezbollah and pulling it back from the international border with Israel was never put into effect. Hezbollah found its way into Parliament, was given two cabinet posts in the most recent government, and branched out into real estate ventures; but the heavy military infrastructure survived and, indeed, was to be augmented in the years that followed Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon.

Syria gave Hezbollah cover, for that movement did much of Syria's bidding in Lebanon. A pretext was found to justify the odd spectacle of an armed militia in a time of peace: Hezbollah now claimed that the battle had not ended, and that a barren piece of ground, the Shebaa Farms, was still in Israel's possession. By a twist of fate, that land had been in Syrian hands when they fell to Israel in the Six Day War. No great emotions stirred in Lebanon about the Shebaa Farms. It was easy to see through the pretense of Hezbollah. The state within a state was an end in itself.

For Hezbollah, the moment of truth would come when Syria made a sudden, unexpected retreat out of Lebanon in the spring of 2005. An edifice that had the look of permanence was undone with stunning speed as the Syrians raced to the border, convinced that the Pax Americana might topple the regime in Damascus, as it had Saddam Hussein's tyranny. For Hezbollah's leaders, this would be a time of great uncertainty. The "Cedar Revolution" that had helped bring an end to Syrian occupation appeared to be a genuine middle-class phenomenon, hip and stylish, made up in the main of Sunni Muslims, Druze and Christians. Great numbers of propertied and worldly Shiites found their way to that Cedar Revolution, but Hezbollah's ranks were filled with the excluded, newly urbanized people from villages in the south and the Bekaa Valley.


Hassan Nasrallah had found a measure of respectability in the Lebanese political system; he was a good orator and, in the way of Levantine politics, a skilled tactician. A seam was stitched between the jihadist origins of Hezbollah and the pursuit of political power in a country as subtle and complex and pluralistic as Lebanon. There would be no Islamic republic in Lebanon, and the theory of Hezbollah appeared to bend to Lebanon's realities. But that is old history and no one here is discussing internal lebanese stuff belonging completely to the past, but the western audience of Ajami likes to hear about "THE GREAT ISLAMIC PROJECT" and ISLAM and Clash of Civilisations and and and just to stay in the mood of the war. Cos they are at War, with us, these american academics who give advices to Bush and Condolizsa, and that is a fact.

But Nasrallah was in the end just the Lebanese face of Hezbollah. Those who know the workings of the movement with intimacy believe that operational control is in the hands of Iranian agents, that Hezbollah is fully subservient to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard chwayyit flayfleh harra wou chwayyit bhaar wou chwayyit nazariyyeeet sakhifeh, and thats when i smile and remember Ajami praising Musa el Sadr the ancestor of the shiaa lebanese struggle against israel . The hope that Hezbollah would "go Lebanese," and "go local," was thus set aside Ajami here tell us that he didnt drop his Mahroumiin Past, he wants a lebanese shiaa party much like Sadr wanted, but Ajami ignores the internal lebanese developpents, his mind stopped working in 1982. The tayyar-hezb agreement? He likes Boombastic strategic talks of civilisations across the continents fighting each other, the idea of a sociological reason for things escapes him in such matters, selectively. For he will not place later in the text the House of Hariri in its more than evident House of Saud Affiliation . At any rate, Nasrallah and his lieutenants did not trust the new Lebanon to make the ample room that a country at war--and within the orbit of Syria--had hitherto made for them in the time of disorder. Though the Shiites had risen in Lebanon, there remains in them a great deal of brittleness, a sense of social inadequacy relative to the more privileged communities in the country.

That raid into Israel, the capture of the two Israeli soldiers, was a deliberate attack against the new Lebanon the new Lebanon? . That the crisis would play out when the mighty of the G-8 were assembled in Russia was a good indication of Iran's role in this turn of events. Hassan Nasrallah had waded beyond his depth: The moment of his glory would mark what is destined to be a setback of consequence for him and for his foot soldiers. Iran's needs had trumped Hezbollah's more strictly Lebanese agenda. But if Iran interveened Dr Ajami, you would have pointed that out and complained that Hezbollah is Iranian!!!

In the normal course of things, Hezbollah's operatives expected at least the appearance of Arab solidarity and brotherhood. And here, too, Hezbollah was to be denied. Naturally.

A great diplomatic setback was handed it when Saudi Arabia shed its customary silence and reticence to condemn what it described as the "uncalculated adventures" of those in Hezbollah and Hamas who brought about this crisis. The custodians of power in Arabia noted that they had stood with the "Lebanese resistance" until the end of Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon. But that was then, and there is a world of difference between "legitimate resistance" and "uncalculated adventures undertaken by elements within the state, and behind its back, exposing the region and its accomplishments to danger and destruction." Gone was the standard deference to Arab solidarity.

This had little to do with the Shiism of Hezbollah, but with the Saudi dread of instability. The Saudis are heavily invested in the reconstruction and stability of Lebanon: This had been the achievement of Rafik Hariri HAHA, and it was to continue under Fouad Siniora, the incumbent prime minister, a decent Sunni technocrat who came into politics as an aide of Hariri Sorry ya man but Siniora is far from beeing decent, he did managed to cover up all the money his master Hariri and his associates were stealing from the people, in other words he's a watchdog . Untold thousands of Saudis have their summer homes and vacations in Lebanon. A memory of old Beirut in its days of glitter tugs at older Saudis. On less sentimental grounds, the Saudis have been keen to shore up Lebanon's mercantile Sunni population against the demographic and political weight of the Shiites. Ma Heeeeeyk!!! Hezbollah's unilateral decision to push Lebanon over the brink was anathema to the Saudi way.

In due course, the Saudis were joined by the Jordanians and the Egyptians. The Arab order of power would not give Nasrallah control over the great issues of regional war and peace. Nor would it give sustenance to Syria's desire to find its way back into Lebanon's politics. The axes of the region were laid bare: The trail runs from the southern slums of Beirut through Damascus to Tehran--with Hezbollah and its Palestinian allies in the Hamas on one side, and the conservative order of power on the other. This isn't exactly the split between the Sunni Arab order and its Shiite challengers. (Hamas, it should be noted, is zealously Sunni.) The wellsprings of this impasse are to be found in the more prosaic impasse between order and its radical enemies. that's the single smart phrase in this pile of crap some like to call an article, but careful how we handle it.

In time, we are sure to hear from Nasrallah's own Shiite community chou beyk! theyre already on the streets, shiaa wanting Nasrallah's head, Thousands!! Millions!!: There had been unease among growing numbers of educated and bourgeois Shiites about the political monopoly over their affairs of Hezbollah and its local allies, an unease with the zealotry and the military parades--and with the subservience to Iran. The defection will be easier now as the downtrodden of southern Lebanon take stock of the misery triggered by Nasrallah's venture. He will need enormous Iranian treasure to repair the damage of this ill-starred endeavor. Or the population will face saudi chantage, but did you know the distribution of goods on refugees is slowed by the state, thats some things the media dont talk a lot about and some have been able to hint aout in slow street reportages . Now One must ask himself, why is Dahieh beeing systematically destroyed? knowing that the israelis have already declared that the elimination of hezbollah isnt in their agenda and isnt possible. i see project ELISSAR coming... from mecca's horizon.

The Shiites are Lebanon's single largest community. There lie before them two ways: Lebanonism, an attachment to their own land, assimilation into the wider currents of their country, an acceptance of it as a place of services and trade and pluralism; or a path of belligerence, a journey on road to Damascus--and to the Iranian theocracy. and mostly on vogue lately in the middle east, the path of the Bitching (does the word exist?) for the Saudi Prince. By the time the guns fall silent and the Lebanese begin to dig out of the rubble, we should get an intimation of which Shiite future beckons. The Shiites can make Lebanon or they can break it. Their deliverance lies in a recognition of the truths and limitations of their country. The "holy war" they can leave to others.


There could have been another way: There could have been a sovereign state in Lebanon, and the Syrians would have let it be (wich they did and cut the crap), and the distant Iranian state would have been a world apart. and Saudi dogs jailed for their systematical (and continuing) theft of the public wealth. There needn't have been a Lebanese parody of the Iranian Revolution, a "sister republic" by the Mediterranean sustained with Iranian wealth. The border between Israel and Lebanon would have been a "normal" border. (The Lebanese would settle for a border as quiet and tranquil as the one Syria has maintained with Israel for well over three decades now, with the Syrians waging proxy battles on Lebanese soil and through Lebanese satraps.)

But the Lebanese have been given to feuds among themselves, and larger players have found it easy to insert themselves into that small, fragile republic. Now the Lebanese have been given yet again a cautionary tale about what befalls lands without sovereign, responsible states of their own.

In an earlier time, three decades ago, Lebanon was made to pay for the legends of Arabism, and for the false glamour of the Palestinian "revolutionary" experiment i know it had mistakes but i wouldnt say it like that, i think me and Ajami are not on the same side, but that's me . The country lost well over a quarter-century of its history--its best people quit it, Does Ajami implies that he might be one of the best people? and its modernist inheritance was brutally and steadily undermined.

I TOO WANT TO HAVE BITCH BARS IN HAYY EL LIJA BUT GIVE ME A DECENT PRIME MINISTER FIRST AND ONE DECENT P.M. REPRESENTING BEIRUT!

Now comes this new push by Damascus and Tehran. It promises nothing save sterility and ruin. It will throw the Lebanese back onto a history whose terrible harvest is well known to them. The military performance of Hezbollah, it should be apparent by now, is not a performance of a militia; nor are unmanned drones and missiles of long range the weapons of boys of the alleyways. A formidable military structure has been put together by the Iranians in Lebanon a model for the lebanese army (who is not allowed to be heavily armed, by the US) to follow. In a small, densely populated country that keeps and knows no secrets, Hezbollah and its Iranian handlers have been at work on this military undertaking for quite some time, under the gaze of Lebanese authorities too frightened to raise questions.

The Mediterranean vocation of Lebanon as a land of enlightenment and commerce may have had its exaggerations and pretense. But set it against the future offered Lebanon by Syria, and by Tehran's theocrats seeking a diplomatic reprieve for themselves by setting Lebanon on fire, and Lebanon's choice should be easy to see.

The Lebanese, though, are not masters of their own domain. They will need protection and political support; they will need to see the will and the designs of the radical axis contested by resolute American power ,BRAVO! Now were talking! and by an Arab constellation of states that can convince the Shiites of Lebanon that there is a place for them in the Arab scheme of things the Saudi way of Life. For a long time, the Arab states have worked through and favored the Sunni middle classes (only Bourgeoisie) of Beirut, Sidon and Tripoli (Only Beirut). This has made it easy for Iran--overcoming barriers of language and distance--to make its inroads into a large Shiite community awakening to a sense of power and violation. To truly turn Iran back from the Mediterranean, to check its reach into Beirut, the Arab world needs to rethink the basic compact of its communities, and those Shiite stepchildren of the Arab world will have to be brought into the fold.

Lebanon's strength lies in its weakness, went an old maxim. And the Arab states themselves were for decades egregious in the way they treated Lebanon, shifting onto it the burden of the Palestinian fight with Israel, acquiescing in the encroachments on its sovereignty by the Palestinians and the Syrians--encroachments often subsidized with Arab money. Iran then picked up where the Arab states left off. Now that weakness of the Lebanese state has become a source of great menace to the Lebanese, and to their neighbors as well.

No one can say with confidence how this crisis will play out. There are limits on what Israel can do in Lebanon. The Israelis will not be pulled deeper into Lebanon and its villages and urban alleyways, and Israel can't be expected to disarm Hezbollah or to find its missiles in Lebanon's crannies. Finding the political way out, and working out a decent security arrangement on the border, will require a serious international effort and active American diplomacy. International peacekeeping forces have had a bad name, and they often deserve it. But they may be inevitable on Lebanon's border with Israel; they may be needed to buy time for the Lebanese government to come into full sovereignty over its soil.
The Europeans claim a special affinity for Lebanon, a country of the eastern Mediterranean. This is their chance to help redeem that land, and to come to its rescue by strengthening its national army and its bureaucratic institutions. We have already seen order's enemies play their hand. We now await the forces of order and rescue, and by all appearances a long, big struggle is playing out in Lebanon. This is from the Book of Habakkuk: "The violence done to Lebanon shall overwhelm you" (2:17). The struggles of the mighty forces of the region yet again converge on a small country that has seen more than its share of history's heartbreak and history's follies.


Mr. Ajami, a 2006 Bradley Prize recipient, is the Majid Khadduri Professor and director of the Middle East Studies Program at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. His most recent book, "The Foreigner's Gift: The Americans, the Arabs and the Iraqis in Iraq," has just been published by the Free Press. He is the author of, among others, "The Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation's Odyssey" (Pantheon, 1998), and "Beirut: City of Regrets" (Norton, 1988).

"Applause", "Applause", "Applause"
clap clap clap clap...

9 commentaires:

shlon a dit…

hehe.. Entre Brigitte Gabriel et Fouad Ajami on est bien servis pour un lobbying bien efficace.

bref, l'Humain est une bête à chier.

Anonyme a dit…

Fouad Ajami is the most despicable racist on the face of the earth. He is a major league hypocrite. He started out his "career" in the 1970's as a Palestinian apologist accusing Lebanon's christians of being "murderous by nature". When he figured out he could never make it in DC, he completely switched board and became a puppet in the hands of the most rabid zionists.
His brother was a commander in the South Lebanon Army and committed horrendous crimes against chiites and maronites in the South. He was on the payroll of the Israeli army and made a fortune smuggling drugs and alcohol.
Ajami is completeley discredited in the academic arena. He spends most of his time spreading his orientalist crap and drivel in right wing zionist media outlets. Even Thomas Friedman wrote that Ajami's entire life can be explained by his complex and jealousy toward Edward Said, whom he could never equal intellectually or morally.

Anonyme a dit…

shou kharjkon ta3mlo blog. btefhamo siyesse metel ma hassan nasrallah byefham be francis ford coppola w picasso

Anonyme a dit…

Anonymous >>> Your comment is really stupid… try to find a better and more subtle way to express your opinion if you truly believe you have an interesting and accurate one.
That is all I have to say to you.

Anonyme a dit…

ajami est en train de chialer dans son coin, qu'est ce que tu as fait Haqid?

Anonyme a dit…

Vous etes tellement idiots, extrémistes, bornes et de mauvaise foi sur ce blog qu'il n'y a que Ziyad Makhoul comme solution. Lisez, si ce n'est pas deja fait...

Apprendre la ferveur
Il dit : Certes, il y a des morts et des dégâts, mais on a notre fierté, c’est déjà ça, sayyed Hassan Nasrallah nous a donné notre fierté. Il a redonné leur fierté à tous les Arabes.
Qu’est-ce que tu peux bien lui répondre, lui qui est né et à grandi en Afrique ; lui dont l’accent est encore plus frenchy que le plus autochtone des Parisiens ; lui qui enfile les shots de Stolychnaia ; lui qui parlait avec le sourire des cafés et des pubs qui allaient ouvrir à Nabatiyé et où les serveuses ne seraient pas voilées ; lui qui n’a pas encore un quart de siècle ; lui qui maintenant conspue les Amériques, la France, les régimes arabes, le gouvernement Siniora ; qu’est-ce que tu peux bien lui dire ?
Que tu t’en fous royalement de la fierté, maintenant que ton pays s’enterre, au propre comme au figuré ? Que la fierté ne compte plus maintenant qu’Israël brûle tout, maintenant que n’existe plus le moindre équilibre entre le Liban et l’ensemble des pays de la région ? Que la fierté ne compte plus, maintenant qu’elle a été bouffée jusqu’à l’os par l’infinie vanité de ces nouveaux Icare, faux démiurges, ces aventuriers qui, à l’avenir d’un pays, à sa sécurité, sa stabilité, sa prospérité, sa réputation, ses rêves, préfèrent les causes panarabes obsolètes, stériles, hystériques et absolument hors-sujet ?
Qu’est-ce que tu lui réponds ?
Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est regarder un peuple-message donner des leçons de vie et de convivialité aux plus obstinés des fédéralistes ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est trébucher, à chaque mètre, sur un touriste fou d’amour ; la fierté, la vraie, c’est un agriculteur du Akkar, du Sud, de la Békaa, heureux comme un bébé quand il fait goûter à un Suédois, un Français, un Saoudien, un Argentin sa jebné baladiyyé ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est d’avoir bouté les soldats israéliens et syriens du territoire libanais ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est un État souverain, indépendant, capable de déployer son autorité sur l’ensemble de son territoire ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est faire de la troupe une armée forte, calme, rassurante dans toute sa mixité ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est d’enlever la carte Liban des mains trop sales des uns et des autres ; que c’est d’empêcher Bachar el-Assad ou Mahmoud Ahmadinejad d’utiliser ce pays juste pour le brûler ; que la fierté, la vraie, c’est de neutraliser le Liban ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est d’être Libanais avant tout, avant que d’être sunnite, chiite, maronite, orthodoxe, druze, avant que d’être pro-syrien, pro-iranien, pro-américain, pro-français, pro-n’importe quoi ; d’être Libanais avant que d’être Arabe ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est, au lieu d’envoyer des missiles sur Haïfa ou Tel-Aviv, faire de Tyr, de Batroun, de Beyrouth, des espaces cent fois, mille fois plus grouillants, plus visités, plus appréciés ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est de continuer à oeuvrer pour devenir la plus belle des démocraties du monde arabo-musulman, plus encore, du Proche-Orient ? Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est de respecter à vie l’accord d’armistice, et de refaire de ce pays un Liban, un vrai ?
Qu’est-ce que tu lui réponds ? Il ne veut pas entendre. Alors, tu attends la fin de ça, la fin d’Apocalypse now, et tu lui montres l’étendue des dégâts, en êtres humains, en dollars, en temps perdu, tu lui rappelles que tout cela a été justifié par, soit-disant, la libération de trois prisonniers en Israël et tu regardes ses yeux. Ça c’est s’il n’y a pas de guerre civile.
La fierté, la vraie ? C’est de réussir à éviter cette guerre civile, encore une, c’est d’éviter de faire le bonheur des gouvernements iranien, syrien et... israélien. La fierté, la vraie, c’es de devenir, aujourd’hui, un collectif, un ensemble de communautés, un peuple insensément égoïste. Aujourd’hui, désormais, c’est dans cet hyperégoïsme, cet égotisme, et seulement là, que se définit, se comprend et se pratique ce concept un peu clinquant et terriblement prostitué – et pourtant urgent et incontourable – qu’est le patriotisme.

Lara Croft

chapichapo a dit…

Que la fierté, la vraie, c’est de continuer à oeuvrer pour devenir la plus belle des démocraties du monde arabo-musulman, plus encore, du Proche-Orient

A quoi ca sert si cette belle democratie n'a pas de force de protection ? si l'armée des fous echappés du shtetl et des bouffeurs de couscous kasher peut anihiler la plus belle démocratie d'Asie du Sud-Ouest en un claquement de doigt sous le pretexte le plus fumeux ?

Anonyme a dit…

Ah la « jebné baladiyyé du Akkar » [sic], ça pardi on peut en être « fier » ma bonne dame !

Mais Ziyad Makhoul, le Danube de la Pensée du Kesrouâne, a oublié les autres grandes gloires nationales que le monde entier nous envie :

- L’alphabet d’Ugarît (ville « phénicienne » annexée par le parti Baath 900 avant notre ère).
- Le pourpre de Tyr.
- Les baklavas de Dinnieh.
- La Man’uché de Tabaris.
- La barbiche de tapette style néo-Séoudite de Koreytem.

Il a surtout oublié d’avoir un cerveau.

Un peu comme L. Croft en somme.

Le docteur Céline avait raison : la bêtise humaine est décidément très contagieuse !

Anonyme a dit…

il y a une armee pour ca chapopapi, qu'il est temps de demander a la communaute internationale de nous aider a renforcer.
Quant a lautre monochromosome, c meme pas la peine de lui repondre.

Lara Croft